By Maurice Cowling
The passage of the Reform invoice of 1867 is likely one of the significant difficulties in nineteenth-century British background. Mr Cowling presents a full-scale rationalization, in response to quite a lot of archive fabric, together with 4 significant manuscript collections now not formerly used. Mr Cowling will pay equivalent consciousness to the view taken through Parliament of the category constitution and to the goals and methods of politicians in Parliament and out of doors. He units this designated old narrative in an analytical framework, the assumptions of which he discusses at size.
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Extra resources for 1867 Disraeli, Gladstone and Revolution: The Passing of the Second Reform Bill
3 Bright was unusual among parliamentary politicians in his consciousness of the possibilities of public agitation, but he wanted to accommodate the extraparliamentary movement to the standards of respectability inside it. Like other parliamentary Radicals, Bright knew what image he wanted a working-class movement to present. He knew, also, what image it ought not to present. Like the Radical author of Tom Brown's Schooldays, he wanted it to be manly and honest on the one hand and dignified and restrained on the other.
Bradlaugh resigned from the League Executive in 1867 because his atheism was embarrassing the movement. , but a professor at University College, London. He spoke at Reform League meetings, but, so far from being one of its leaders, failed when he stood for election to the League Executive. Beesly provided a comprehensive rhetoric with which to approach the future but his ejaculations were premature and his day-to-day judgements defective. In 1861 he had seen in the builders' strike of 1859 an event which' seem[ed] to have a chance of standing in the same relation to the coming industrial regime, as the meeting of the StatesGeneral in*'eighty-nine".
But in organizing the demonstration on May 6 the League had no reason to expect the government to capitulate. On the contrary, there was a mixture of objectives—an attempt, on the one hand, by Beales to rescue his reputation from the damage it had been done by the support he had given Gladstone, by Gladstone's refusal unambiguously to propose household suffrage pure and simple (let alone manhood suffrage and the ballot) and by his failure, even so, to defeat the government on April 12; an attempt, on the other hand, to counter the Reform Union's arrival on the London scene and to keep up the pressure in order to help Reform League candidates make a respectable showing at an election, whenever that might come in the future.
1867 Disraeli, Gladstone and Revolution: The Passing of the Second Reform Bill by Maurice Cowling